Showing posts with label NYC. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NYC. Show all posts

February 3, 2014

"Serve the People Film Night: Short Films from the Movement" at the Interference Archive

I recently had the pleasure of visiting the Interference Archive in Brooklyn to peruse Serve the People: The Asian American Movement in New York, an exhibit of cultural artifacts produced within the Asian American movement. The items date from the late 1960s through the early 1980s. The exhibit was put together by Ryan Wong, a former curator at the Museum of Chinese in America, and was culled from MoCA collections, the A/P/A Collections at NYU, and various private collections. It offers a chance to learn more about this under-documented history and allowed me to reflect upon how much Asian American lives have (or haven’t) changed politically, aesthetically, and socially in the past thirty years.

The exhibit is attentive to the multimodal ways activists communicated with each other and fostered relationships with the broader community: there are the traditional political tracts, photographs, newspapers, and magazines, but also buttons, protest signs, drawings, and musical recordings. The material trace left by the movement is impressive, but it is merely evidence of the more vital, physical means by which these folks organized for change: in person, in space. While the Internet has undoubtedly opened up vast avenues for connection and conversation, I couldn’t help but wonder what it would be like for these political intimacies to occur in the flesh. A gathering spot like the vibrant Basement Workshop on Elizabeth Street seems all but impossible today in post-recession Manhattan.

Notable also was the movement’s occupation of the public sphere, from the protest marches over the police beating of Peter Yew in 1975 to the multiday renegade street fairs providing community services in Chinatown; organizers publicized the event by driving through the narrow streets, announcing details via bullhorn (!). Complementing the use of physical space was the open acknowledgement of the laboring body in those spaces; people identified, across racial lines, as workers. The deep working class roots of the Asian American movement was the most striking aspect of the exhibit and something I will return to in a moment.

The archives also suggest that the movement also carved necessary public spaces out of privatized ones. Wong has displayed a number of flyers from college and university events which showcase the breadth of topics that once stood under the rubric “Asian American.” I was surprised to see that student groups held informal conferences featuring racially diverse speakers on various platforms from Third World Feminism to Black Power to antiwar work. These gatherings were voluntarily attended by students and were hosted at – but were not of – academic institutions. They are a far cry from the university-sponsored events populated by academics that are the norm today, and raise questions about the future sites of Asian American activism in the neoliberal university.

In the arts, tales of racial oppression and calls for interracial solidarity were expressed, without irony, through the lyrics of folk groups like A Grain in the Sand (listen to “A Wandering Chinaman” on the exhibit’s iPod) or the postmodern jazz experimentation of Fred Ho. The earnestness of these artists was alienating for a moment; I had forgotten how effective a political tool music had been in the past. How and why have popular music forms become so neutered from contemporary politics? We can point to some (only some) hip-hop, but what’s keeping other genres from touching upon issues other than love and partying? And what new forms would it take?

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Serve the People: The Asian American Movement in New York at the Interference Archive has made the rounds amongst AAWW bloggers, notably here and here. While Esther Wang noted that “the mood inside the gallery was more 30-year college reunion than political education session” at the exhibit’s November opening, I’m happy to report that the exhibit has grown to attract a younger, broader crowd and has been extended until March 23.

This new energy was evident at Serve the People Film Night on January 14, a screening of short films produced during the Asian American Movement. The conversation afterward, moderated by the exhibit’s curator, Ryan Wong, and film programmer Chi-Hui Yang, opened up a space for face-to-face public dialogue that distinguished physical spaces of the movement, like the Basement Workshop or renegade Chinatown Street Fairs, from online conversations on blogs and social media or enclosed university classrooms.

The short films screened were Wong Sinsaang (1971) by Eddie Wong; Manzanar (1972) by Robert Nakamura; Cruisin’ J-town (1974) by Duane Kubo; …I Told You So (1973) by Alan Kondo; and excerpts from Spikes to Spindles (1976) by Christine Choy and Fall of the I-Hotel (1983) by Curtis Choy. Wong introduced the screening, and Yang and framed these films as attempts to self-consciously create an Asian American aesthetics. In the past few decades, scholars and critics such as Lisa Lowe and Yen Le Espiritu have asked us to be attentive to the ways in which the movement was propelled by a masculinist, heterosexist cultural nationalism, negating other ways of defining “Asian American” in favor of a unitary ideal. Despite that, the films also remind us that class awareness was an essential organizing rubric for the Asian American movement: Asian Americans in the films repeatedly express their alliance with blacks and Latinos via shared residential and class segregation and their status as racial others. Wong Sinsaang is a study of the director’s toiling laundryman father; poet Lawson Fusao Inada, in …I Told You So, surprises us with a primarily Chicano social milieu; the artists and musicians in Kubo and Kondo’s films admit they expect to be poor; and cross-racial labor alliances imbue the struggles for rights in Spikes to Spindles and Fall of the I-Hotel with tremendous energy and power. It was no mistake nor accident that Reagan and the neoliberal private sector would assiduously destroy these modes of sociability in the years to come.

The films show us that the Asian American movement saw not just interracial and inter-ethnic solidarities, but inter-generational understandings as well. They feature young Asian American activists, dream-seekers professing deep confusion about their identities, who have their sincerity matched by radical, fiery elders giving voice to their experiences of racial oppression. Despite the linguistic and cultural disconnect between generations, the films suggest that the Asian American movement would not have happened without mutual support between the generations.

This concept was tested in multiple ways in the public discussion following the screening. It was heartwarming to see so many different generations – from older folks originally part of the movement, to bespectacled graduate students, to the timorous and college-aged – speaking freely in a non-institutional setting about the history and potentiality of Asian American identities. Nearly everyone who spoke included some disclosure about their parents’ immigration history or their experiences growing up in majority white or majority Asian environments, suggesting the extent to which for many, to be “Asian American” is not merely a theoretical exercise but remains rooted in the awareness of being materially situated in a particular time, space, and place.

Many young people spoke, in particular, of the marked difference between West Coast and East Coast Asian American communities as evidenced by the films. Instead of seeing the activists of the 1970s as our forebears, they seemed to be peers to many of us younger folks in that New York audience. Although the activists of the Asian American Movement could have been our parents, they were decidedly not. Rather, like them, our experience of being Asian in America is partially defined by moments of cultural distance from more recently immigrated parents. On the East Coast, the influx of Asian immigrants and refugees of recent decades has necessitated that the Asian American movement continually renew itself, repeating the anxieties and disidentifications (the word of the night) of an earlier era. Many in the audience noted these parallel struggles.

There were fissures, too, between the older generation, American-born and hungering for Sixties-style activism, and the current generation of millenials, the children of the post-1965 professional managerial class. Although we only briefly interrogated the incontrovertible fictiveness of “Asian America” in the first place, there seemed to be a general understanding of the limitations of assuming a coherent Asian American identity. The most pressing issue, to me, was the juxtaposition between the working-class consciousness of the originary movement and the growing embourgeoisement of the current generation of young Asian Americans. Many young Asian Americans today do not anchor their racial identities alongside Latinos and blacks, but through lived experiences with white middle-class lifestyles. (This is not to speak for everybody, or to critique anybody, but to acknowledge the changing referents by which many Asian Americans are forming their racial identities.) Given these shifting circumstances, the exhibit and screening allowed us to ask: what forms should future activism take? How can this new generation of largely -- but not uniformly -- middle class, college-educated digital natives learn from and continue the work of the Asian American movement?

September 1, 2013

n+1 = 0

Why is n+1 so infuriating? For me it is because it presumes to speak for and about those educated at elite liberal arts colleges and universities without recognizing the many racial, sexual, gender, and class complexities in this demographic. It rolls its eyes at Theory and Cultural Studies (their capitalization, not mine) yet its bibliography only goes as far as Marcuse and Jameson. It has not even deigned to notice the important intellectual contributions made by queers and people of color indebted to these methods. Its idea of community sees no further than the dining hall at Yale transplanted to DUMBO. It thinks it's edgy by throwing a bone to a few "desi" (their pointedly used, smug term -- brownie points! pun intended! lol) authors once in a while. It wrings its hand at the failed state of the academic left but doesn't dare grapple with the politics of its highbrow gatekeeping (indeed, that's what it's celebrated for!). And yet it has the gall to publish an Occupy! broadsheet and write critiques of something it calls the "dominant class." I would really love to know whether the n+1 editors feel they are helming a politically radical arts & culture publication! (Actually, I think I know the answer!!) n+1 is proof that left politics / Marxism is becoming fashionable / part of hipster culture, and it will leave behind anything that is ugly or difficult. Admittedly, this move to the left is partially necessary due to growing precarity of artistic and intellectual pursuits, not just motivated by fashion, but the way n+1 is going about social change is so naive and has a long, long way to go. Like many straight white men it claims a place at the table long before it has been earned and completely ignores the work that has been going on for a long time.

To be continued…

Update, 9/7/14: I no longer (wholly) endorse these sentiments, but I think it's fun to keep for posterity.

December 30, 2012

On HBO's Girls

Or, "Why the Racial Controversy Over HBO's Girls Should Be Understood by White People"

The problem with HBO's series Girls is not that it does not represent people of color. The problem is that it doesn't realize it. What good is a television show that includes people of color but merely recognizes them as honorary white people, essentially flattening their difference in the name of “diversity”? Sure, Stanley Hudson (Leslie David Baker) from The Office and Donna (Retta) from Parks and Rec are black, but does that significantly shape the universe of the show besides as a license for those actors to showcase “sassy” black attitudes? Also lame, but at least trying, are the miserably failed attempts by Glee to understand its characters as “Jewish,” “Asian,” etc. First, try addressing how and why the show pretends such diversity is the norm in Lima, Ohio. Let's not even get started on NBC's Outsourced.

If current mainstream television has failed to produce "acceptable" portrayals of people of color, what might it do instead? Lena Dunham has said that “next season she will try to make it happen.” Forget that. I don't want her attempting anything near creating a fictional subjectivity that is supposed to do the nuanced work of exploring race on her show (ie., a token character). Not because white people can't write characters of color – that is not the argument – but rather, because someone so ignorant as to the realities of lived racial experience – including her own – should tread very carefully when trying to make that an issue in her art/work.

Which brings me to what I'm trying to say, which is that Girls doesn't need to recognize people of color; it needs to recognize its own whiteness. I admit, I'm surprised that a group of hipsters living in Brooklyn doesn't have an Asian friend. I would have thought, for better or worse, that it would have been one of the mandatory boxes one checks for this stereotype, along with various markers about fashion, music, drugs, etc. I suppose I underestimate my own presence, or give far too much credit to the white people surrounding me in cafes and boutiques.

However, it certainly seems possible that a group of hipster girls in Brooklyn in 2012 live in a completely white bubble with no friends of color. What breaks my heart, though, is how oblivious it appears Dunham & co. appear to be about it. “Oh, there are other kinds of folks around? I didn't even notice!” As [I forgot who] mentioned, the real girls watching Girls interact every day with working-class brown immigrants in bodegas, restaurants, and public transportation, but the girls on Girls merely slap their money down on a counter with no one behind it. The streets of their neighborhoods are white. This is nonsense (well, not for Greenpoint, actually). Do people like Dunham and Lesley Arfin really not notice the brownness of their city, and, by extension, their own whiteness, such that they might look around and say, “Hmm, I'm in a group of entirely white people”? Does race only exist as something put upon other people; not recognized within one's self if that self is a privileged white girl?

Update, 9/7/14: Believe it or not, I still haven't finished season one of Girls. Hope to write something more thoughtful whenever that happens. P.S. Still haven't seen Mad Men either, nor The Wire...